Donald Trump’s election victory will return him to the White House, but both his allies and detractors have made clear his second time around will look nothing like the first.
With the Republican Party now entirely his, its anti-Trump figures banished for good, Trump will enter the Oval Office with both the experience of having done the job before and a wealth of resentments over how he believes the system failed him.
That makes the coming four years uncertain ones that cannot be easily predicted by the first Trump presidency. His rival, Vice President Kamala Harris, tried warning voters of the risks. But to his supporters, the promises of fixing what he called a broken country — even if it means abandoning long-held principles — was the whole point.
Figures who once hoped to act as stabilizing forces — including a string of chiefs of staff, defense secretaries, a national security adviser, a national intelligence adviser and an attorney general — have abandoned Trump, leaving behind recriminations about his character and abilities.
They’ve been replaced by a cohort of advisers and officials uninterested in keeping Trump in check. Instead of acting as bulwarks against him, those working for Trump this time around share his views and are intent on upholding the extreme pledges he made as a candidate without concern for norms, traditions or law that past aides sought to maintain.
Trump’s axis of influence has shifted greatly since he left office in January 2021. While his daughter Ivanka Trump and her husband, Jared Kushner, were once prominent campaign surrogates and senior White House staffers, they’ve since stepped away from the daily churn of politics. Ivanka Trump has made clear she has no plans to return to the West Wing, and while Kushner has been involved in the transition efforts, sources familiar with his thinking said he is unlikely to leave his private equity firm.
Instead, Trump has found himself relying on people like Donald Trump Jr., Elon Musk and Susie Wiles throughout his third run for the White House.
The former president also seems eager to reward those who supported him — like Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. — even if their viewpoints exist well outside the mainstream. Despite his belief in vaccine conspiracy theories and his antisemitic comments, RFK Jr. said recently that Trump told him he would “fight like hell” for him if Kennedy wants to run the Department of Health and Human Services.
Stung by his experience dealing with agency legal offices, Trump will look to staff the government this time with lawyers who will work to find legal rationale for even his most radical ideas, rather than raise concerns.
Even now, Trump has skirted the conventional transition process and refused to sign ethics agreements that would allow his campaign to begin working with the Biden administration on the handoff, a process that typically starts six months before the election. The holdup stems from Trump’s deep mistrust of federal agencies, certainly those not run by his own loyalists. This means his team has not had to disclose donors to his transition process but has also been blocked from national security briefings and from receiving millions of dollars in funding to aid the transition.
As the struggle over the wording in the agreements has become protracted, resulting in the missing of key deadlines, Trump’s aides are unable to obtain security clearances. (Some have floated conducting their own without the FBI.)
In Congress, where moderate Republicans used to occasionally criticize Trump’s most outlandish behavior, fealty to Trump is now almost uniform among the GOP. Efforts to place limits on presidential power over the last four years largely fizzled, and anti-Trump Republicans have either retired or been voted out.